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Photographic 

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r'i  VtffSI  MAIN  STREET 

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Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  intpras- 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  en  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impra^- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  prinvad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  — ^>  (maaning  "CON- 
TINUED';,  or  tha  symbol  y  (maaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 

IMaps,  platas,  charts,  ate,  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  lerga  to  be 
antiraly  included  in  ona  axposura  are  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Lea  imagaa  auivantas  ont  *tA  raproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  aoin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattet*  de  rexamplaira  filmi,  at  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Lea  exemplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  paga  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autres  axemplairos 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  commandant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impressidfi  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  darniire  paga  qui  comporta  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  ia 
darniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  ie 
cas:  la  symbols  — »•  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  Ie 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiimAs  A  des  taux  da  rAduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  Ie  document  est  trop  grat  i  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seui  clichA,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


I- '  1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7  f> 


I.  ^    >'■, 


■1  V 


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■■'■■./ 


1.  -  -.  -  -^a*^ 


SPEECH 


OF 


MR.  ATKINSON,  OF  VIRGINIA, 


■      f 


ON   THE 


OREGON    QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


r , 


M 


IN   THE   HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES, 


FEBRUARY  7,   1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PMNTED  AT  THE  XJNION  OFFICE. 

1846. 


•^y 


i 


I 


cation  of  i 

ae  well  as 

pies  of  tri 

U8  in  all  c 

dividual  c\ 

Yoke  ever) 

subject,  w! 

tatBS  the  fc 

endeavor  ( 

tions  S3  na 

f|ue3tions 

j   rights,  whi 

i   from  the  e 

'  of  glory,  ( 

;  the  other. 

powerful  R 

*  to  i^roduce 

often  the  v 

wrong  sid« 

an  exhorta 

ary  here. 

t  charity  an( 

\  US  that,  ho 

\  of  our  own 

that  those 

be  actuate! 

ciples  as  w 

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t  clearly   de: 

I  when  1  see 

pen  to  difl 

denouncing 

regard  hinri 

ficiency  in 

Bhall  therel 


SPEECH. 


On  the  resohition  of  notice  to  Chreat  Britain  to  abrogate  the  conviniion  oj  joini 

occupancy  relative  to  the  Oregon  territory. 


Mr.  ATKINSON  obtained  Ihe  floor,  and  ad- 
di  eased  the  commillee  as  follows: 

iMr.  Chairman:  "Be  just  and  fear  not,"  shall  ever 
be  my  motto.  It  should  be  the  motto  of  every 
man  and  of  every  legislator;  and  1  wish  it  was  in- 
scribed upon  these  walla  in  letters  of  gold,  that  it 
might  stand  conspicuously  before  us,  admonishing 
UG  of  its  precepts  in  all  our  deliberationn.  In  the 
discussion  of  the  question  oow  under  consideration, 
I  will  use  my  best  endeavors  to  make  an  appli- 
cation of  its  principles  by  doing  justice  to  England 
as  well  as  to  my  own  beloved  country.  The  princi- 
ples of  truth  and  justice  should  govern  and  direct 
us  in  all  controversies,  whether  of  a  national  or  in- 
dividual character;  and  by  this  standard  would  I  in- 

j  yoke  every  gentleman  to  examine  this  momentous 
subject,  which  now  engrosses  the  thoughts  and  agi- 
tat«8  the  feelings  of  the  American  people.  Let  us 
endeavor  to  divest  ourselves  of  those  strong  emo- 
tions so  naturally  arising  from  the  discussion  of  all 
f|ufc3tions  affecting  national  character  or  national 
rights,  whether  they  may  spring  on   the  one  hand 

f  from  the  ennobling  sentiments  of  love  of  country  and 
of  glory,  or  from  the  debasing  emotions  of  fear  on 
the  other.  And  when  we  see  how  numerous  and 
powerful  art  the  causes  which  are  thus  calculated 
to  produce  an  undue  bias  of  the  judgment,  and  how 
often  the  wisest  and  best  of  men  arc  found  on  the 
wrong  side  of  questions  of  the  first  magnitude,  such 
an  exhortation  will  not  be  regarded  as  idle  or  vision- 
ary here.  It  may  remind  us  of  the  useful  lessons  of 
charity  and  forbearance  to  one  another,  and  leach 
us  that,  however  confident  we  may  feel  of  the  truth 
of  our  own  views  and  convictions,  we  cannot  be  sure 
that  those  who  entertain  different  opinions,  may  not 
be  actuated  by  as  pure  motives,  and  as  correct  prin- 
ciples as  we  ourselves.  And  whilst  the  observance 
of  this  duty  marks  a  liberal  mind,  an  opposite  course 
clearly  defines  a  low  anu  contracted  spirit;  and 
when  I  see  a  man  condemning  all  others  who  hap- 
pen to  differ  from  him  in  religion  or  politics,  and 
denouncing  them  as  fools  or  knaves,  I  cannot  but 
regard  him  as  affording  a  strong  proof  of  his  own  de- 
ficiency in  good  sense  and  I:)€nevolence  of  heart.  I 
shall  therefore  make  no  criminations  against  others, 
nor  esteem  them  as  lees  intelligent  or  patriotic  for 
differing  from  me  upon  this  important  subject. 


\ 


I 


But,  sir,  I  ask  all,  whigs  ard  dcmorrats,  to  march 
up  to  the  examination  and  decision  of  this  question, 
with  a  iixed  detcrminainn  to  do  that  which  their 
own  judgments  may  dictate  as  ust  and  proper.  I 
have  lived  too  long,  and  seen  too  much  of  the  frail- 
ty of  human  nature,  to  condemn  afellow  man  because 
he  may  not  think  as  I  do.  And  in  reference  to  the 
whig  party,  while  I  entertain  no  sort  of  respect  or 
admiration  for  its  principles,  ye:  for  its  members  gen- 
erally I  feel  a  high  respect,  and  i"or  some  a  warm 
personal  regard.  There  are  many  gentlemen  here 
belonging  to  that  party — to  whi;;h  God  forbid  that  1 
shall  ever  be  attached — with  whom  [  am  in  habits 
of  the  most  friendly  associations;  some  of  whom, 
too,  have  done  me  the  justice  to  say  I  am  so  dyed 
in  the  wool  of  democracy,  that  when  they  see  me 
giving  a  political  vote  they  know  tliat  their  true 
course  is  to  move  in  the  opposite  direction. 

In  the  conclusions  to  which  1  have  arrived  from 
the  best  reflection  which  1  have  been  able  to  bestow 
upon  the  subject,  I  havr  the  rni.'-fortune  to  diflicr 
from  all  my  colleagues  who  Is.ivc  yr:  spoken;  a  cir- 
cumstance which  makes  rnc  di^itrmtf,;!  of  my  own 
opinion,  and  would  cause  me  to  he-;itatc  and  doubt, 
if^  the  convictions  of  my  own  r.und  were  not  clear 
and  irresistible.  I  mustti-.ertiorc  s«p?.rate  from  them 
upon  this  question;  but  1  par*.  froTi  them  in  peace 
and  good  will,  Far  be  it  from  n-j  to  esteem  them 
Ic^s  highly,  or  to  seek  tortprefcenf.iiem,  here  or  else- 
where, as  IcsB  wise  and  patnoti",  »i  as  leas  friendly 
to  the  peace,  the  happines!?,  and  ■he  glory  of  their 
country  than  I  am.  1  know  that  they  look  to 
nothing  other  than  the  best  interests  of  the  country 
in  the  counsels  they  have  given.  But  I  trust,  sir, 
that  I  may  yet  have  the  satisfattton  to  sec  thcni 
recording  their  votes  with  mine.  The  pacific  char- 
acter of  the  recent  English  nevv«i,  the  fact  elicited 
the  other  day  from  the  chaiman  of  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  AflTairs,  by  an  inquiry  from  an  honorar 
bSe  member  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Gentry,]  that  a 
correspondence  had  lately  taken  ,  lace  between  the 
two  governments,  and  vario\is  other  considerationsy 
(not  the  least  of  which  are  the  Erj7,;ments  that  have 
been  made  upon  this  floor)  oueh-,  ^n  my  judgi.ient, 
to  convince  my  colleagues  that  (hey  should,  at 
least  in  some  form,  vote  fi>r  '.he  notice  to  ter- 
minate the  joint  occupur.cy  o;'  ■.'f.  i)regon  territory. 


ji.  v;k. 


I 


1  mjrMlf  greatly  prefer  the  amendment  introduced 
by  my  honorable  colleague,  [Mr.  DaoMoro^K,]  be- 
cause I  regard  it  m  the  moat  conciliatory  proposi- 
tion, and  at  the  same  time  marked  with  a  proper 
■pirit  of  firmneaa  and  of  jaaticc.  I  will  take  this, 
sir,  if  I  can  get  it;  but  I  will  go  for  any  proposition 
that  promiaea  to  carry  out  the  wise  and  statesman- 
like policy  which  characterizes  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  Executive.  I  believe  that  my  constitu- 
ents— especiallr  those  of  the  democrauc  party — 
hare  admired  the  President's  message,  and  have  en- 
dorsed its  principles;  and  their  teill  shall  govern  me 
aa  their  representative  on  this  and  all  other  occa- 
sions. 

I  am  free  to  confess,  sir,  that  the  argument  of  one 
of  my  colleagues,  [Mr.  Hunter,]  made  at  an  early 
stage  of  this  discussion  was  so  plausible,  and  was 
presented  in  so  forcible  and  imposing  a  manner, 
with  a  fervor  oC  eloquence  so  well  calculated  to  cap- 
tivate and  mislead,  produced  a  deep  impression  not 
only  upon  niy  own  mind,  but  upon  the  minds  of 
other  gentlemen  in  this  House;  and  it  was  not  until 
I  had  time  for  composure  and  calm  reflection,  that  1 
was  enabled  to  free  myself  from  the  oratorical  and 
persuasive  powers  of  that  gentleman,  and  to  resume 
a  fair  and  candid  consideration  of  this  subject. 

•In  the  remarks  which  I  have  to  submit,  I  will  not 
go  back  to  the  discovery  of  the  Oregon  territory, 
nor  further  back  than  ia  necessary  to  indicate  the 
course  which  ii  is  our  duty  to  take  in  reference  to 
giving  the  notice.  It  would  be  a  waste  of  the  time 
of  the  committee  to  enter  into  an  argument,  at  this 
stage  of  the  discussion,  to  prove  that  which  has  been 
already  most  conclusively  proved  by  fifty  others  be- 
fore me,  that  our  title  to  54°  40'  ia  such  as  cannot 
fail  to  sati.sfy  the  American  nation  thai  it  is  full  and 
complete.  I  am  perfectly  content  upon  this  point  to 
rest  our  claim  on  the  arguments  of  that  able  diplo- 
matist, Mr.  Buchanan,  of  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  di&tinguished 
champion  of  the  Palmetto  State.  Beyond  their  ex- 
positions I  do  not  wich  to  go.  Our  right  and 
title  to  the  possession  of  the  territory  have  been 
placed  before  us  in  a  light  as  strong  and  clear 
as  the  glowing  sun-beam.  Even  the  vary  nation 
which  now  seeks  to  divide  it  with  us— Great  Britain 
herself— has,  by  her  own  act,  acknowledged  our 
title.  And  to  sustain  thi.s  position,  I  have  only  to 
refer  to  historical  facts,  especially  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  by  the  first  article  of  which  it  is  stipulated 
that  both  nations  shall  surrender  all  places  taken  by 
either  during  the  war  to  the  respective  parties,  with 
an  exception  which  does  not  affect  the  issue  now  be- 
fore us,  and  to  the  surrender  of  this  very  territory 
by  the  authorized  agents  of  Great  Britain,  to  the 
authorities  of  the  United  States,  in  conformity  to  the 
terms  of  the  treaty.  This  fact  alone  would  seem  to 
be  conclusive  of  the  question,  had  we  no  others  to 
sustain  us,  and  is  calculated  to  make  the  impres- 
sion upon  every  unprejudiced,  impartial  mind,  that 
the  joint  occupancy  since  the  date  of  the  treaty, 
which  must  have  been  granted  as  a  favor,  now  con- 
stitutes the  only  ground  upon  which  the  Er.glish 
government  can  base  a  pretension  of  claim.  And 
yet  there  are  those  who  contend  that  this  stipula- 
tion for  joint  occupancy  was  entered  into  from  a 
fear  of  war,  and  to  secure  the  continuance  of  peace 
between  the  two  nations.  I  am  old  enough,  sir,  to 
remember  what  public  sentiment  was  at  that  day, 
and  i  well  know  that  no  such  apprehensions  or 
opinions  were  entertained  on  the  part  of  the  Amer- 
ican people.    The  stipulations  of  the  conventior.  it- 


self clearly  show  this;  for,  according  to  an  express 
provision,  the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy 
was  made  dependent  upon  the  pleasure  of  either 
party,  by  giving  to  the  other  twelve  months'  notice 
of  such  a  desire. 

How  then  can  gentlemen  contend  that  war  must 
follow  from  the  giving  of  notice.'  Suppose  Great 
Britain  were  to  give  us  the  notice,  would  any  gen- 
tleman be  80  bold  as  to  say  that  we  would  or  ou^t 
to  declare  r/ar  against  her  on  that  account?  Most 
surely  not.  But  we  arc  told  that  Great  Britain  is  a 
great  and  magnanimous  nation.  How,  then,  can 
we  expect  that  war  will  be  declared  bv  her,  because 
we  do  that  which  we  haveja  right  to  ao,  and  which 
the  principles  of  truth  and  justice  sustain  us 
in  doing — our  right  to  assert  a  claim  which  is  strip- 
ped of  all  doubt  and  uncertainty,  and  which  she  her- 
self has  acknowledged  by  her  own  act  >  But  it  may 
be,  sir,  that  her  advocates — for  she  has  advocates  on 
this  side  of  the  water — have  applied  these  high- 
sounding  epithets  under  a  suspicion  that  her  charac- 
ter for  territorial  aggrandizement,  and  for  a  disposi- 
tion to  lay  hold  upon  any  region  which  she  can 
raise  the  slightest  pretension  to,  stand  out  in  much 
bolder  relief  than  that  for  magnanimity.  And  shall 
we  be  pusillanimous  enough  to  hesitate  in  our 
course,  because  it  may,  forsooth,  wound  the  pride, 
or  obstruct  the  wishes  of  this  great  and  magnani- 
mous nation  ? 

In  the  same  spirit  it  is  contended  by  some,  that  it 
is  not  the  giving  of  notice  merely,  whichris  likely  to 
produce  a  declaratien  of  war,  but  the  consequent  acts 
onourpart  which  must  immediately  follow.  They 
say  that  after  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  months' 
notice,  we  shall  be  compelled,  in  order  to  maintain 
our  national  honor,  to  proceed  to  take  possession  of 
the  country;  and  that  such  an  attempt  would  neces- 
sarily lead  to  war.  The  answer  to  this  is 
ready  and  easy.  I  grant  the  consequence  pre- 
dicted if  England  do  not  recede,  and  if  she  do 
not  withdraw  her  subjects — if  she  attempts  to 
exercise  an  adverse  claim.  And  I  ask,  sir,  if  Eng- 
land, or  any  other  power,  bemad  enough,  or  daring 
enough,  or  wickej  enough  to  invade  any  portion  of 
our  territories,  or  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  it,  there- 
by attempting  to  wrest  it  from  us  or  to  divide  with 
us  our  "clear  and  unquestionable"  rights,  what 
American  can  be  found  so  much  a  dastard  as  to  be 
willing  to  give  it  up  rather  than  fight  for  it .'  Who 
among  the  whole  nation  would  not,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, cry  aloud  for  war — ay,  sir,  war  to  the 
knife.' 

But,  sir,  it  is  also  said  by  others  that  if  we  pro- 
ceed at  this  time  to  give  the  notice,  it  will  only  place 
u<  in  the  position  we  occupied  at  the  date  of  the 
convention;  and  that  as  things  have  remained  in 
quietness  up  to  this  period,  why  not  let  them  go  on 
until  we  actually  need  the  territory  for  agricultural 
and  commercial  purposes .'  To  this  suggestion  my 
answer  is  three-fold.  In  the  first  place,  we  have 
already  seen  that  the  favor  extended  to  Great  Brit- 
ain of  occupying  the  territory,  in  common  with  our 
own  people,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  a  fur  and 
fishing  trade,  has  been  construed  by  her,  or  is  used 
by  her,  as  constituting  a  claim — a  right  to  a  portion, 
and  a  very  large  portion,  too,  of  this  territory — a 
claim  so  strong,  in  the  opinion  of  some  gentlemen, 
as  to  justify  her  before  the  civilized  world,  in  making 
war  upon  us  with  the  view  of  maintaining  it.  The 
longer,  therefore,  the  joint  occupancy  continues — 
if,  indeeJ,  it  can  be  called  an  occupancy  at  all — the 
stronger  will  thu  claim  upon  this  ground  become; 


f nd  hsnce 
^cupancy  ^ 
<he  provisio 
cur  people  d 
dare  that  th 
the  frse  and 
«nd  that  the 
John  Bull- 
lie — an  equt 
fantages  w 
■declare  thai 
<of  their  rigl 
ihooses  to  I 
«  game  at 
Xiastly,  the 

Jeace  and  q 
er  existing 
joint  occupi 
good  a  the  I 
fipply  with 
Other  portio 
States    of 
<question  bel 
fan  always 
ffishts,  or  b 
fake  from  us 
4]ueationB  fi 
ours?    Do  \ 
Affirmative, 
only  lose  by 
uut,  sir,  V 
consequence 
^calamity  car 
4ng  is  better 
-creet  course 
an  this  Houi 
their  busine: 
.Cind  resource 
•time  they  h 
ridicule  thoi 
jBtand  the  pi 
■duced  such 
felines  me 
-jenced  by  n 
<of  a  disease 
.iselves  the 
would  soon 
«itcry  in 
regard    as 
the  land  by 
to  powerful 

ferience  w 
ession,  or 
lion  to  yielt 
4s  by  no  me 
•demands; 
.mode  of  pr 
iions  of  a  g 
Hpffectual 
fully  in  the 
rights— to  t 
iHeterminati 
'Or  consequc 
}y  upon  the 
Jrackuon, 
■|nit  to  noth 
-   Sir,  I  ar 
■*lirith  indiffc 
^vils  are  al 
am  aware  t 
England  w 
AiiEchief,  n 


i 


in  ezprcM 
occupancy 
of  either 
aha'  notice 

war  mutt 
>oae  Great 

any   gen- 

.  or  ought 
int?    Moat 

ritain  is  a 

then,  can 
er,  becauae 
and  which 
sustain  us 
ich  is  atrip- 
ich  she  her- 

But  itmay 
dvocatea  on 
these  high- 

her  charac- 
T  a  dispoai- 
h  she  can 
>ut  in  much 
And  shall 
litate  in  our 
d  the  pride, 
d  magnani- 

ome,  that  it 
i<48  likely  to 
sequent  act3 
low.  They 
ilve  months' 
to  maintain 
Qssession  of 
^ould  neces- 

to  this  is 
quence  pre- 
id  if  she  do 
attempts   to 

sir,  it  Eng. 
[h,  or  daring 
y  portion  of 
pon  it,there- 
)  divide  with 
•ights,  what 
ird  as  to  be 
)rit?  Who 
Jer  such  cir- 
r,  war  to  the 

L  if  we  pro- 
11  only  place 

date  of  the 
remained  in 
them  go  on 

agricultural 
rgestion  my 
;c,  we  have 

Great  Brit- 
lon  with  our 
on  a  fur  and 
r,  or  is  used 
to  a  portion, 
territory — a 
!  gentlemen, 
d,  in  making 
ing  it.  The 
continues — 
f  at  all — the 
uid  beconxe; 


ft nd  h«Dce  the  nceeaaily  of  terminating  the  joint 
^cupancy  with  aa  little  delay  aa  practicable  under 
Che  proviaions  of  the  treaty.  I »  the  aecond  plaoj, 
cur  people  do  now,  with  remarkable  unanimity,  de- 
clare that  they  want  the  territory — that  they  wai.<t 
the  free  and  full  poaaeaaion  of  tne  whole  territory — 
«nd  that  they  are  not  willing  any  longer  to  allow  to 
John  Bull — rich,  proud,  and  powerful  aa  he  mav 
^€ — an  equal  posseasion  and  enjoyment  of  ita  ad- 
fantagea  with  themaelvea.  And  they  do  further 
declare  that  if  the  aaid  John  Bull,  for  thia  aaaertion 
••f  their  righta,  and  for  thia  notice  to  him  to  quit, 
4(hoo8ea  to  proceed  to  blowa,  they  will  let  him  have 
^  game  at  such  paatime  to  hia  heart'a  content. 
Ijastly,  the  argument  that  becauae  we  have  enjoyed 

Seace  and  quietness  for  more  than  thirty  yeara  un- 
er  exiating  circumstancea  we  ahould  permit  the 
Joint  occupancy  to  continue,  wovdd  be  just  as 
(ood  a  theusand  yeara  hence  as  now;  and  would 
^pply  with  as  much  force  and  propriety  to  any 
other  portion  of  our  territory,  cr  to  any  one  of  the 
Otatea  of  this  Union,  as  it  does  apply  to  the 
■question  before  us.  It  is  very  certain,  sir,  that  we 
^n  always  enjoy  peace  by  never  asserting  our 
eights,  or  by  quietly  permitting  other  nations  to 
lake  from  us  whatever  they  may  want.  The  only 
Questions  for  us  to  consider  are:  la  the  territory 
<)urs?  Do  we  want  it?  If  the  answers  be  in  the 
affirmative,  then  let  us  have  it,  war  or  no  war.  We 
■only  lose  by  delay. 

But,  sir,  war  is  neither  a  certain  nor  a  probable 
consequence  froiift  giving  the  notice;  and  if  such  a 
calamity  can  by  any  means  be  brought  about,  noth- 
ing is  better  calculated  to  produce  it  than  the  indis- 
creet course  of  a  certain  class  of  persons,  who,  both 
in  this  House  and  in  other  quarters,  have  made  it 
their  business  to  eulogize  and  magnify  the  power 
*nd  resources  of  our  adversary,  whilst  at  the  same 
•time  they  have  taken  great  pams  to  depreciate  and 
ridicule  those  of  our  own  country.  1  cannot  under- 
,Btand  the  prinripies  or  the  motives  which  have  in- 
•duced  such  a  line  of  conduct.  Charity,  however, 
felines  me  to  hope  that  such  individuals,  influ- 
-^nced  by  a  misguided  experience  or  the  workings 
^f  a  diseased  imtigiimtion,  have  so  pictured  to  thi  m- 
^elves  the  horrors  and  calamities  of  war,  that  tkey 
would  sooner  give  away  an  absolute  right— the  ter- 
aritory  m  dispute— than  hazard  what  they  may 
j-egard  as  an  unparalleled  state  of  prosperity  in 
the  land  by  the  uncertain  issues  of  a  collision  with 
•o  powerful  a  nation  as  England.     But  all  pastex- 

fenence  will  prove  that  a  spirit  of  timidity  and  con- 
ession,  or  the  slightest  manifestation  of  a  disposi- 
tion  to  yield  the  smallest  amount  of  national  right, 
48  by  no  means  the  way  to  repel  or  to  aatisfy  foreign 
demands;  but  that  it  is,  on  the  contrary,  the  surest 
«node  of  provokmg  aggression  or  inviting  the  exac- 
tions of  a  graspmg  and  powerful  nation.  The  most 
Sffectual  means  of  avoiding  danger  is  to  meet  it 
ally  in  the  face— to  insist  upon  your  smallest 
rights— to  demand  the  last  farthing— and  to  show  a 
determination  to  defend  or  secure  it  at  whatever  cost 
♦r  consequence;  in  «  word,  sir,  to  adopt  and  act  ful- 
ly upon  the  motto  of  our  illustrious  and  venerated 
Jackson,  "ask  nothing  but  what  is  right,  and  sub- 
.jonit  to  nothing  that  is  wrong." 
•  Sir,  I  am  far  from  being  one  of  those  who  look 
%ith  indifference  upon  the  consequences  of  war.  Its 
-♦vils  are  always  great,  and  ofttimes  incalculable.  I 
«m  aware  that  a  war  between  the  United  Stales  and 
England  would  at  ihis  time  be  attended  with  vast 
4miEchief,  not  only  to  the  powers  immediately  en- 


gaged in  it,  but  to  every  portion  of  the  ciTilized 
world.  Commerce — that  great  refiner  of  national 
mannera — that  great  link  which  connecta  nationa 
together,  mollifying  their  aaperitiea  i  breaJcing 
down  their  jprejudicea,  and  which  ia  now,  by  the 
operation  or  modem  tmprovementa,  bringing  the 
moat  diatant  into  cloae  contact  and  communion  with 
each  other,  would  be  greatly  disturbed  in  ita  conrae 
and  thrown  into  uawonled  channela.  The  adrance- 
menta  which  literature,  acienco,  and  the  arta,  are 
daily  making  towarda  the  extension  of  knowledge, 
and  the  amelioration  of  man'a  condition,  would  oe 
partially  checked.  The  progreaa  which  the  apiritof 
our  republican  inatitutiona  ia  making  with  auch 
rapid  atepa  towarda  the  pulling  down  of  potentates 
and  of  powera  in  high  placea,  would  most  unhappi- 
ly be  retarded;  and  even  in  our  own  country,  aome 
of  those  achievements  which  have  been  recently 
made,  and  ethera  now  in  progress  of  being  consum- 
mated, in  the  great  field  of  political  science,  by 
which  a  more  natural  and  liberal  system  of  meaa> 
urea  would  be  consequences  resulting  from  success- 
ful experiment,  would  be  in  a  great  measure  neutral- 
ized or  thwarted  for  a  season.  But,  sir,  great  aa 
all  these  evils  may  be,  they  are  by  no  meana  the 
greatest  that  a  nation  may  endure.  Indeed,  itia  ne- 
cessary, in  order  to  secure  permanently  the  blesa- 
ings  of  peace  and  to  enjoy  them  in  all  their  fulness, 
that  we  should  sometimes  incur  the  hazards,  the  dan- 
gers, and  the  evils  of  war.  No  nation  can  be  hap- 
py or  prosperous  under  a  dishonorable  peace;  and 
if  our  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  be  "clear  and  un- 
questionable," as  I  believe  it  to  be,  and  as  this  na- 
tion believes  it  to  be,  what  could  be  more  dishonorable 
than  tamely  to  yield  it'  I  would  assert  and  main- 
tain this  right  were  the  dangers  and  evils  of  war 
a  thousand  times  greater  than  they  possibly  can  be; 
and  I  have  studied  the  character  of  the  American 
people  to  but  little  purpose  if  they  can  be  deterred 
from  a  similar  course  by  mere  prudential  considera- 
tions, drawn  either  from  a  real  or  an  exaggerated 
description  of  the  character  and  resources  of  our  ad- 
versary. Such  advocates  of  peace  may  thus  witless- 
ly  become  the  most  eff«ctivc  promoters  of  war. 

It  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  guage  and  measure 
well  the  strength  and  dimensions  of  an  opponent ; 
but  it  is  folly  to  despise  his  weakness  or  to  dread  his 
prowess.  It  is  proper,  therefore,  that  we  duly  ex- 
amine the  great  power  of  Great  Britain,  and  ascer- 
tain with  all  practicable  certainty  the  full  extent  of 
her  armament  and  her  means  of  aggression.  It  is 
only  by  such  a  course  that  we  can  properly  prepare 
for  her  assault  and  defend  ourselve.M  against  her  on- 
set; and  if  we  shall  exercise  but  common  prudence, 
we  have  no  need  to  fear  the  consequences.  Let  the 
means  which  we  have  already  at  command  be  only 
placed  in  a  proper  condition  for  use — let  the  ships 
now  lying  in  our  docks  be  forthwith  fully  equipped 
— let  our  navy-yards  and  fortifications  be  put  in 
thorough  repair  and  f«illy  manned — and  the  sons  of 
those  brave  officers  and  men  who  gathered  such 
wreaths  of  glory  by  their  triumphs  over  the  same 
antagonist  during  the  last  war,  will  come  forth  with 
a  noble  zeal  to  emulate  their  deeds,  and  to  rival  their 
fame  in  an  encounter  with  that  or  any  other  foe.  I, 
for  one,  entertain  no  apprehension  for  the  result ; 
and,  after  the  signal  successes  that  have  hitherto  at- 
tended our  arms,  whether  by  sea  or  by  land,  in  eve- 
ry trial  to  which  they  have  been  subjected,  I  can- 
not but  anticipate  the  most  brilliant  results.  And 
when  we  reflect,  that,  in  all  the  elements  of  an 
offensive  and   defensive  war,   we    are   so    muc.'i 


« 


I 


more  nbutKlantly  prorided  tlian  on  any  pre- 
viour  occasion,  una  only  waiting  to  be  called 
in  requisition  in  proportion  to  the  emergency, 
who  can  find  within  him  a  heiirt  to  quail?  Instead, 
therefore,  of  croaking  over  the  immense  pcwer  of 
England,  and  drawing  frightful  pictures  of  tlie  de- 
struction and  carnage  which  we  are  to  experience, 
let  us  act  and  feci  as  becomes  brave  men,  and  we 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  combined  influence  of 
nil  the  power,  vulor,  and  wealth  of  Britain.  But, 
Mr.  Chairman,  does  the  pi eseni  condition  of  England 
portend  such  direful  consequences  in  the  event  of 
war?  Is  she,  eir,  prepared  at  all  points?  Has  she 
no  obstacles  to  contend  with?  Where,  sir,  are  the 
lamentations  and  wailings  of  her  needy  population 
starving  for  bread?  Where  arc  her  mill.ons  of  man- 
ufacturing operatives  already  ground  down  to  the 
lowest  point  of  oppression,  muttering  their  griefs 
and  their  nufferings?  Where  is  bleeding,  groaning 
Ireland,  wiiose  wrongs  are  crying  aloud  to  Heaven, 
and  whose  voico  is  heard  throughout  the  earth? 
Where  is  rebellious,  revolutionary  India?  And, 
above  all,  sir,  w'erc  is  Canada,  whose  population 
arc  largely  disaffec;ed,  and  ready  to  unite  their  arms 
with  ours  upon  the  first  signal  of  war? — Canada, 
which  muKt  form  a  part  of  our  acquisitions,  whose 
loss  to  England  will  seal  the  doom  of  her  empire  of 
the  North  American  continent,  and  amply  repay  us 
for  all  the  consequences  and  costs  of  war,  even 
supposing  that  Oregon  be  the  barren  and  worthless 
country  which  some  gentlemen  would  have  us  to 
believe?  But,  sir,  as  1  have  said  before,  as  a  con- 
sequence of  giving  the  notice,  England  will  not  risk 
its  hazards  and  its  inevitable  results,  unless  she  b^ 
forced  to  assume  a  position,  by  the  appearance  of 
distraction  in  our  counsels,  and  by  other  other  acts 
of  impruden'""  «'•  --ir  part,  which  her  pride  will  not 
allow  her  to  i  .i.     Let  us  be  firm   in  our  de- 

mands, and  r  ^  united  in  our  purposes,  and  all 

will  be  well. 

It  is  a  little  remarkable,  but  nevertheless  true, 
that  the  arguments  of  some  gentlemen  who  have 
gone  against  the  notice  have  had  the  efl'ect  of  more 
thoroughly  satisfying  my  mind  that  it  ought  to  be 
given.  One  of  my  colleagues  [Mr.  Pendleton] 
nos  said  that  the  territory  in  dispute  possesses  no 
value.  Why  then  does  England,  who  is  situated 
so  remotely  from  it,  desire  to  own  it?  Why  are  so 
many  of  our  hardy  and  adventurous  spirits  found 
leaving  their  present  homes  and  seeking  a  residenrc 
in  those  distant  regions?  The  evidence  of  my  col- 
league is  thrust  upon  us  in  such  a  gratuitous,  oft- 
hand  manner,  that  I  suspect  it  will  make  hut 
a  feeble  im  ression  upon  impartial  minds.  When 
1  shall  need  witnesses  upon  this  point,  sir,  1  will 
not  look  for  my  colleague,  who  has  been  spending 
hi.^  life  in  ease  and  quietness  within  the  peaceful 
ai  d  quiet  lin'.its  of  Virginia,  but  for  these  western 
men,  whdse  sons,  brothers,  and  friends  have  made 
Oregiwi  I  heir  home,  and  who  now  call  on  the  Amer- 
ii an  Congress  to  protect  them  in  their  rights.  To 
iiiCjSir,  it  will  always  be  enough  to  hear  suck  a  call 
from  any  portion  of  our  citizens  to  induce  me  to 
extend  to  them  the  protection  and  security  of  our 
laws,  although  the  place  of  their  abode  may  be  a 
desolate  and  barren  rock.  It  is  sufficient  for  me 
that  it  is  their  home,  to  extend  to  them  all  the  rights 
of  an  American  citizen. 

I  h;»ve  been  amused  to  hear  during  this  discus- 
sion gentlemen  charging  each  other  with  inconsis- 
tency— to  hear  gentlemen  charged  with  having  pur- 
su<  d  a  certain  course  ut  one  session,  and  an  oppo- 


site course  at  another.    I  am  happy  to  know  that  Idac't  adviiedly, 

stand    in  no    such    position.     Wnether    right    orw  are  tretdizigi 

wrong,  I  voted    for    the  notice  at   the  iMt  sesssion,     Extract  of  sj 

and,  God  being  willing,  I  shall  vote  for  it  at  this.    ..( .ij^j,  f^^g^^ 

For     that     vote    my    constituents      have     neverto  Oregon )    I  m 

censured    me.      Anti     I    have    received     instruc-BHtiih  title;  ami 

tions    upon   this  subject    only    from  one,    whost!^*''''  |.''.!''i'"  *" 

notions     are     quite    latitudinous — an    old    gentle-a^jj'r'aj'l/wtttt'a* 

man,    who  informs  me  that   the    people   in    thattUt  it  is  free  froi 

region    wanted   Oregon   up  to   the  .')4°  40',  Califor-Mi«cre  of  land  ui 

nia,  Mexico,  and  Canada!  I  feel  no  disposition,  how-'» '^"'■?"'y  °'^" 

'  ',       1         •   1  .      /•  /-I       »    o  •.   •  rile  men  lor  vvliic 

ever,  to  invade  the  rights  of  ureal  Britain  or  anyn^e  up?   Vagu( 

other  power  whatever.     But  if  the  time  shall  ever>3^o>'agei;  com 

come  when  the  people  of  these  countries — haTing'y'"  "'  public  1 

first  obtained  their  independence— shall  ask  to  be'",  «aS'?hu  beg 

admitted  into  our  Union,  as  Texas  has  done,  I  shalliSd  indisputable  i 

certainly  be  willing  to  receive  them.     For  1    have •«•*  as  often  «» 

no  apprehension  for  the  integrity  and  perpetuity  of**?* '"'""'"*  J'" 

our  institutions  on  account  of  any  extension  of   ter-lSJ"  An^ei^o;^ " 

ritory;  and  I  believe  that  the  greater  our  extent  oftfVie  world  for  i 

territory  may  be,  the  more  firmly  shall  we  be  boundW  pirtition  of 

together,  provided  the  federal    and    State  govern.'2''i'f"',"S'"."' 1 

mcnts  contine  their  le^^islation    within  the  limits  of^iirer,  in  trtatini 

their  respective  jurisdiction  as  defined  by  their  sev-ribes  of  our  own 

ert.l  constitutions;  and  that|our  system  of  government"'*''*''" 

is  calculated  ultimately  to  extend  its  guaranties  and  Strangis  as  ti 

privileges  over  the  whole   of  the  North  Americanif.  the  gentlem; 

continent.  ojumot  pass  fr 

Before  I  conclude  my  remarks,  I  beg  leave  to  caliqi  my  great  si 
the  attention  of  the  committee  to  the  remarkable q  honorable  n 
position  occupied  by  the  gentleman  from  Massa-foLMEs.l  Th 
chnsetts,  [Mr.  Winthrop,]  who  at  the  last  session ggguage  In  reft 
of  Congress  made  a  speecn  against  the  notice,  in^:  "I  deny 
which,  assuming  the  American  title  to  the  countryjlfitory  orto'i 
to  be  perfect,  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  voting  against  o|  appertain  w 
the  notice,  the  fact  that  negotiations  between  the  o^er  of  Great 
two  governments  were  then  pending.  At  thes||jngs  of  Briti 
present  session,  when  these  negotiations  have  termi-i^hasentimen 
nated  that  gentleman  goes  against  the  notice  upon  ^a  South  Car 
the  ground  that  the  American  title  is  good  for  noth-i  distinguishet 
ing.  Here,  sir,  are  the  extracts  from  his  two  tgimittee?  I  f 
speeches.  i«  English  nat 

Extract  from  Mr.  Wintiirop's  speech,  February  r«tad  Atlantic  i 
It  1°45:  tiir  hosannas 

"I  shall  enter  upon  no  argument  of  the  American  title  tn|P  f*""  assertii 
the  Oregon  territory.  No  such  argument  certainly  is  need- 10  people,  a  b 
eii  to  convince  the  members  of  this  House  of  the  justice  ol  n  than  has  bei 
our  claim  to  that  territory.  Whatever  else  we  may  "lifter -|j  „:••  ^ 
al)Out,  we  all  seem  to  have,  a  suHioient  sense  of  the  sound-*'?  '• 
ness  of  our  own  title.  It  seems  to  be  forgotten,  however,  ^>  ^"d  to  te-r 
that  it  is  (treat  Dritain,  and  not  the  United  States,  which  ro-  ifllOUn  and  M 
juiics  to   be  convinced  on  this_point.     If  gentlemen  would  yji  pgraufldt'd 


his 


fit.     If  gentlemen  would  un  perauadc 
o:i!y  uniJertake  to  satisfy   Sir  Robert  ''eef  and  Lord  Al)er-«-_t!-       /•■  . 
fii'cn  tliiit  the  Ameiican  title  is  entirely   indisputable,  and     .    ™         "" 
i!iat  tin;  British  preten.sion  is  altogether  void  and  ground- ^""fortunate 
li!ss,  or  if  tticy  would  lortify  Mr.  Calhoun  in  his  ett'orts  to  >nihis  speech 
tiiiorce  the  positions  upon  the  British  minister  with  whom  |||e  political 
lie  is  tn-atiiij^,  they  would  turn  their  researches  and  their,—,  Jl        u-     t 
rhetoric  to  a  more  profitable  account.     1  fear  they  are  con-  5  S  "'S  r 

tiibuiiiig  to  no  such  result.    I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  aP*"*  ground  a 
alignments,   however   strong,  would    lose    much  of  their  SB  assumed  b 
wcitrlit  in  the  r.iarters  1  have  suggested,  when  uttered  i:>Mr.  Chairi>  ii" 
the  tone  of  menace  and  defiance  which  has  characterized  so  J»fc»Vi     f  lu 
much  of  this  debate.    Nor  can  1   forbear  to  say  that  it  ap-         "  °'  'her 
pears  to  me  extiemely  impolitic  for  us  to  be  publicly  en-  'ttte,  by  an 
gag«d  in  any  arguments  upo;^  the  subject,  when  negotia- Ir.    Cclver.1 
tions  ill  regard  to  it  are  actually  on  foot  within  earshot  oi  tnocratic  tia'ti 
this  hall,  and  while  we  are  necessarily  ignorant  how  far ,  _       .,       "^' 
our  own  individual  views  may  conform  to  those  which  the  '  P'^"uency  £ 
American  Secretary  of  State  may  be  at  this  moment  press-  Cttot   as   a    th 
ing  upon  the  attention  of  the  British  negotiator.   Indeed,  sir,  mj  by  way 
this  whole  proceeding  is,  in  my  judgment,  eminently  calcu-  [qXi  i/    p  ii- 
lated  to  impede  and  embarrass  the  negotiations  in  which  the  -.ZJ*^         *  *^1K, 
two  governments  are  employed.    We  have  received  authen- ,  J«     "*  ^"7  P 
ic  assurances  that  these  negotiations  have  not  failed — that'  States  as   a 
they  are  still  in  progress,  and  that  a  communication  in  re-  ns  sentiment 
garil  to  thein  may  bo  expected  from  the  Executive  before  ,  »!,»  i  , 
the  close  of  the  present  session.    Why  not  wait  for  this  '         '"'^  Pres 
communication?    Why  insist  upon  taking  way  step  in  the 


I 

ikrk,  when,  in  a  few  weeki,  »t  the  most,  we  »hall  be  aJlc 
[now  thai  Iffact  aJviiedly.  and  to  ice  clearly  the  ground  upon  which 
■  right  oriP»  are  treading  f" 
St  seuflion,  Extract  of  speech  January  3,  1846: 
it  at  thin.  .'I  ghall  attempt  no  analyiU  or  history  of  thi«  title,  (title 
ave  nevcrto  Oregon  )  I  um  certainly  not  dispoicd  to  vindicate  Ihc 
(I  instruc-Brttish  title;  and  an  to  the  American,  there  is  nothing  to  be 
u  **ied  to  the  gucce»iive  exposition!  of  the  eminent  statei- 
me,  wnostj^jj  i,„j  jipiomatiiti  by  whom  it  hai  been  illuitrated.  llut, 
old  gentle-ader  all  what  a  title  it  i^  to  fight  about!  Who  can  pretend 
lie  in  thatthat  it  is  free  from  all  difficulty  or  doubt?  Who  would  take 
Ift'  rnlifnr  Macre  of  land  upon  such  a  title  ai  an  iiiveilment,  without 
iij  ,  \^aiiiur  warranty  of  something  more  than  the  two  regimcnti  of 
Sltion,  nOW-f|j^^p„  fp,  which  your  bill  provideR?  Ot  what  is  the  title 
:ain  or  anym^e  up?  Vague  tradHpns  of  settlement;  musty  records  of 
e  shall  evef>l4  voyages;  conflictingclaims  of  discovery;  disputed  prin- 
i*a  »,n»inf.'lfl«»  of  public  law;  acknowledged  violations  of  the  riehls 
'^"■""""'"'fcjrBboriginal  occupants— these  are  the  elements— 1  had  al- 
I  ask  to  t>«n«it  said  the  beggarly  elements— out  of  which  our  clear 
lone,  I  shallind  indisputable  title  is  compounded.  I  declare  to  you,  sir, 
For  1  havel>*'  »*  of"""  as  I  thread  the  mazes  of  this  controversy,  it 
,_  -rt«»istomoto  lie  adispute  as  to  the  relative  rights  nftwo 
lerpeiUUy  Olj^^j^j  j^  ^  territory  tn  which  neither  of  them  haa  anyj  real 
eion  of  ter-,^j  whaUxer;  ar.d  I  should  hardly  blame  the  other  niilioiis 
ar  extent  ofilVie  world  for  insisting  on  coming  in  for  Hcot  and  lot  in 
17A  liP  hniinriM  partition  of  it.  Certainly,  if  we  should  be  so  false  to 
we  uc  """"",„  p,,„acter  as  civilired  nations  as  to  fight  about  it,  the 
late  gOvern-.^j  of  Christendom  would  be  justified,  if  they  had  the 
he  limits  o!K»irer,  in  treating  us  as  we  have  always  treated  the  savage 
y  their  sev-rttes  of  ourown  continent,  and  turning  us  both  out  alto- 
'  government'*'*'*'' " 

larenties  and  Strange  aa  the  contrast  between  the  two  speeches 
h   Amcricariifthe  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  may  appear, 
Cfumot  pass  from  the  notice  of  that  without  express- 
leave  to  calloil  my  great  surprise  at  the  sentiment  avowed  by 
remarkable Q  honorable  member  from  South   Carolina,  [Mr. 
rem   Massa-{oLMEs.]    This  gentleman  has  used  the  following 
last  session Qiguage  in  reference  to  the  American  title  to  Ore- 
le  notice,  indji:  "I  deny,  in  (0(0,  any  right,  any  claim  to  that 
the  country^itory,  or  to  any  part  or  parcel  thereof,  that  does 
'oting  against  M  appertain  with  equal  force  and  efficiency  to  the 
between   theo»rer  of  Great  Britain."    Sir,   what    must  be  the 
)g.      At    the  tilings  of  British    statesmen    when   they  shall  see 
shnve  tcrmi-jeh  a  sentiment  uttered  upon  the  floor  of  Congress 
notice  upon  j^a  South  Carolina  democrat;  and  by  one  too,  sir, 
od  for  noth-)  distinguished  as  to  be  at  the   head  of  the  naval 
om    his  two  jtimittee?    I  fancy  that  1  now  hear  the  plaudits  of 
!•  English  nation,  as  they  come  wafted  across  the 
h,Februaryr0Bd  Atlantic  upon  the  wings    of   the   wind,  and 
lair  hosannas  to  the    distinguished  South  Carol i- 
nerican  title  In  f  f"""  asserting,  before  the    American  Congress 
rtainly  is  need-  »■  people,  a  better  claim   in  behalf  of  Great  Brit- 
the  justice  01  n  than  has  been  attempted  to  be    made  out  by  her 

::h^Lo^:1'^'^''T'"-  *>«  the  honorable  gentleman  to 
)tten,  however,  "Jj  ^"<1  ''*  '^-read,  the  correspondence  between  Mr. 
ates,  which  r;-  lUioun  and  Mr.  Pakenham  upon  this  subject;  for 
n<l<'"'t'n  wo"ld  lai  perauadtid  that  he  will  thus  be  brought  to  see 

Smtable  a^'i"*'"™'"  "f''''  ^^y.  and  to  a  timely  repentance  for 
lid  and  ground- 8  wnioptunate  expression  which  I  have  quoted 
1  his  ettbrts  to  )m  his  speech.  He  must  then  feel  the  due  weight 
-hRT''nd^thr"  ****  P°''''<^?'  sin    which  he  has  committed,  and 

si- they  are  con- "P*  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^"f*  ^^  confusion  for  having  taken  a 
to  believe  that  W^^  ground  ac;ainst  his  own  country  than  has  yet 
much  of  their «  assumed  by  any  minister  of  Great  Britain, 
harac'terlzed  so  L.'  ^*'*"'"'*"n.  ^  desire  to  take  some  notice  of  a 
i  say  that  it  ap-  '"•*"  °^  ^^^  remarks  made  some  days  ago  in  com- 
be publicly  en-  '^t»e,  by  an  honorable  member  from  New  York, 
when  negotia- Ir.  Cclver.]  He  was  pleased  to  say  that  the 
lorantTow'far  "*•"*.''*'  Baltimore  convention  had  nominated  for 
liose  which  the '  l^""'*^^"*^/  a  man  of  whom  he  had  never  heard, 
moment  press-  o^t  as  a  third-rate  lawyer,  and  said  it  appa- 
or.  Indeed,  sir,  itljr  by  way   of   disparagement.      Yes,   sir;  that 

fe  which  the '"^^-  P"**^'  *h«»  nominated,   had  only  been 

■eceived  authen-  °^^  '»  ^"7  portion  of  the  freemen  of  these  Uni- 
not  failed— that  i  States  as  a  lawyer  of  an  inferior  grade.  This 
inication  in  re  ne  sentiment  was  first  made,  I  believe,  sir,  dur- 
it^wUrfor  th"  '  ****  '*'^  presidential  campaign,  and  was  so  often 
uxy  step  in  the 


repeated  during  the  canvass,  by  every  whipnter  up- 
on the  stump,  that  I  had  been  in  hopes  that  no  mem- 
ber of  Congress  would  be  found  capable  of  giving 
it  utterance   for  the  thousandth  time.     I  onfesr, 
when  1  first  heard  it,  I  could  not  suppress  enr  olionv 
of  indignation  as  well  as  regret;  but  the  staleHMs  of 
the  sentiment  has  lost  the  only  excellence  which  it 
ever  possessed — that  of  novelty.     But,  sir,  the  gen- 
tleman will  allow   me  to  hint  that  the  remark,  in 
coming  from  him,  looks  very   much   like  a  two- 
edged  sword,  that  cuts  both  ways;  fur,  although  he 
made  a  blow  at  his  antagonist,  it  has  certainly  in- 
flicted as  severe  a   wound  upon  himself.     It  either 
convicts  him  of  insincerity,  or  of  great  ignorance  in 
the  political  affairs  of  his  country,  and  01  the  char- 
acter of  those  who  have  been  conspicuous  in  its  re- 
cent history.     The  gentleman  himself  may  have  oc- 
cupied so  retired  a  position,  and  have  been  so  much 
out  of  the  way  of  the  world,  as  not  to  have  been 
iiiibrmcd  of  the  character  of   the   most  prominent 
statesmen  of  the  land,  and  nay  be  excused   for.his 
ignorance  upon  this  point.    He  may    be   pardoned 
for  not  knowing  that  this  same    third-rate    county- 
court  lawyer,    James  K.    Polk,    was  for  years  the 
presiding  officer  of  thi^  House;  that  he  was  at  the 
head  of  one  of  the  most  important  committees  of 
the  House  of  Representatives;  and  that  he  filled  other 
honorable  stations  with  as  much  credit  to  himself 
as  usefulness  to  his  country.     But,  sir,  suppose  it 
were  true  that  Mr.  Polk  was  only  a  third-rate  l»w- 
yer:  would  that  afford  any  evidence  of  his  unfitness  to 
perform  the  duties  of  the  high  station  which  he  oc- 
cupies.' Does  the  gentleman  mean  to  say  that  in  this 
republic,  no  man  is  qualified  to  be  its  chief  magis- 
trate who  has  not  obtained  great  distinction  as  a 
special  pleader?    That  sentiment,  sir,  may  suit  the 
whig  party;  but  it  will  not  be  recognised  as  orthodox 
doctrine,  nor  be  regarded  as  consonant  with  sotind 

Eolicy  with  the  democrats,  with  whom  pnncipfei  are 
eld  to  be  everything,  mtn  nothing,  provided  they 
be  honest  and  capable.  And  as  evidence  to  prove  the 
sufficiency  and  excellence  of  this  doctrine,  1  will,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  bring 
to  his  attention  the  names  of  several  illustrious  men, 
0'  whom  I  shall  presume  he  has  heard  as  Presidents 
of  the  United  States,  whose  memory  must  soon  be 
forgotten  if  the  gentleman's  rule  shall  prevail:  I 
mention  the  names  of  Washington,  Adams,  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  and  Jackson.  These  men  were  all 
eminent  as  statesmen;  but,  perhaps,  as  compared 
and  judged  by  the  standard  of  the  mentber  from 
New  York,  might  have  been  considered  as  inferior 
county-court  lawyers.  Did  the  gentleman  ever  hear 
or  read  of  Benjamin  Franklini" — a  man  who  rose  from 
the  condition  of  a  poor  printer  boy  to  the  high  po- 
sition of  the  greatest  philosopher  of  his  age.'  And, 
sir,  1  might  go  on  to  enumerate  the  names  of  many 
individuals  who  were  rocked  in  the  cradle  of  pover- 
ty, and  bred  to  some  of  the  humblest  mechanic  arts, 
whose  minds,  when  developed,  proved  them  to  be 
worthy  of  the  highest  stations  in  the  civilized  world. 
But,  sir,  I  will  tell  the  gentleman  from  New  York, 
that  James  K.  Polk  has  proved  himself  to  be  one 
of  the  ablest  advocates  in  America,  for  he  has  beat- 
en all  the  emboditnent  of  whigery  itself.  In  1844, 
sir,  this  nation  was  deeply  interested  in  the  great  ques- 
tion of  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union.  In  re- 
gard to  it,  the  two  parties  were  almost  equally  divi- 
ded. The  whigs  had  selected  Henry  Clay  as  their 
champion  and  advocate,  whilst  the  democrats  made 
choice  of  Mr.  Polk  for  theirs.  Yes,  sir,  that  man, 
whom,  by  way  of  ridicule,  they  denominated  "WfJe 


Jtmrntt  Polk,"  while  h«  wm  riding  with  hit  Mddle> 
bag!  from  eourt-houaa  to  court-houu/without  a  ain-*. 
gle  thought  or  aspiration  for  the  preaidency,  waa  cho' 
aan  to  aaroeato  tha  cauae  of  annexation.  The  aub- 
ieet  waa  Ailly  and  thoroughly  diacuaaed  by  theae 
lendera  of  the  reapective  partiea;  the  issue  waa  tried 
by  a  jury  of  twenty  thouaand  freemen,  and  the  ver- 
dKt  returned  in  favor  of  James  K.  Polk.  And,  sir, 
for  th..  ability  which  he  displayed  during  that  con- 
test— for  the  wisdom  which  he  has  shown  on  every 
Important  occasion— and  for  his  firm,  unyielding 
steiMlfastnesa  to  the  republican  faith  and  to  republi- 
can measures,  he  haa  been  rewarded  with  the  occu- 
pancy of  the  exeeutivfi  mansion,  and  the  honor  of 
presiding  aa  the  head  of  this  nation  for  a  term  of 
lour  years;  whilst  the  great  Kentuckian  has  been 
consigned  to  the  shadea  of  Ashland,  where,  I  trust, 
ha  will  remain  in  peace  and  happiness. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  repeat  that 
we  owe  it  aa  a  duty  fi  those  who  have  gone  to  settle 
in  Oregon,  to  give  this  notice  for  termina'ng  the 
joint  occupancy.  Ws  owe  it  to  them  as  a  portion 
of  the  American  people.  These  men  are  not  mere 
gamblers  and  speculators,  but  real  bona  fide  settlers, 
who  have  determined  to  make  that  country  their 
home,  to  subject  its  scilto  the  arts  ofcultivation,  and 
to  make  their  living  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows.  We 
should  proceed  to  give  the  notice  without  delay. 
The  longer  continu'\nce  of  the  maaUrhjinactivittj 
principle  cannot  at  this  time  be  viewed  as  a  wise  or 
salutary  meaaure.  Us  morality  is  questianable;  for 
it  seeks  to  do  that  by  covert  and  indirect  means, 
which  it  becomes  ufi  to  do  with  energy  and  prompt- 
ness— by  a  masterly  activity.  I  regard  the  notice 
recommended  by  the  President  as  the  proper  prelim- 
inary means  of  settling  this  controversy  between  the 
two  nations  in  a  peaceful  and  equitable  manner. 
Let  us   support  him   in  his   recommendation;  let 


ua   adopt    the    viaws    which    he    haa    present-' 
ed;    let    us    endeavor     to     imbibe     his     spirit; 
and    1    venture    to    predict,  sir,  that  tlie  daagct 
of  war  will  not  only  be  averu^d,  but  the  whole  mat- 
ter be  brought  to  a  speedy  and  happy  termination 
Sir,  I  advocate  this  course  as  a  friend  to  peace.    I , 
would  support  no  measure  which  is  calculated  un- 
necessarily to  produce   a    war  between    the  United  ^ 
States  and  Great  Britain;  peace,  honorable  peace  ii  ^ 
what  all  most  surely  must  desire.     It  is  not  the  in 
terest  of  either  nation   that   the    friendly  relationt  r 
which  have  so  long  subaiited  between  Uiem  shouic  ,'> 
now  be  disturbed  or  broken  up.    Their  mutual  dc 
pendence  makes  it  the  interest  of  both  to  cherisl ' 
and  cultivate  a  state  of  peace  and  good  will;  and 
"incerely  hope  that  the  action  of  Congress  may  b , 
bjchas  to  secure  the  continuance  of  friendly  rela ' 
tions  between  the  two  nations.    But,  sir,  if  by  th' 
maintenance  of  our  just  rights  or  the  notice  to  clos 
thejoint  occupancy,  war  shall  be  the  consequencf 
then  we  can  only  say,  let  it  come;  and  aa  brave  me . 
we  must  prepare  to  meet  it,  with  all  its  woes  an  i 
evils,  witn  the  spirit  of  those  who  aro  determined  t  j 
"do  or  die."    We  shall  be  engaged  in   a  just  an.^ 
righteous  cause;  in  the  d'  fence  of  our  riglitx  and  o| 
our  own  territory;  am.   whether  that  territory  It 
rich  or  fertile,  abounding  in    all  the  elements  c! 
wealth  and  prosperity,  or  be  only  the  barren  wi  | 
derness  which  some  nave  attempted  to  make  us 
lieve,  will  be  auestions    of  like    import  with   thi 
American  people.     They  feel  that  it  is  their  profJ 
erty,  that  it  is  the  home  of  their  brethern  nnd  friendi 
and  that  it  is  their  duly  to  defend  it.    Acting  upo 
his  principle  they  will  go  forth  to  meet  the  issul 
with  a  calm  consciousness  of  the  rectitude  of  thel 
course,  and  with  an  humble  yet  firm  reliance  upo| 
the  God  of  battles. 


haa    preient-' 

hia     apirit; 
at  the  daager^ 
le  whole  mau 

termination. 

to  peace.  I 
alculaled  un-j 
sn  the  United 
rable  peace 
IB  not  the  i 
ndly  relationtl 
n  them  ahoulii^ 
eir  mutual  de-i 
jth  to  cheriutj 
od  will;  and 
in«;rc88  may  I 

friendly  reU 
t,  air,  if  by  th] 
notice  to  clos- 
e  consequenM  j 
d  aa  brave  mti 
1  its  woea  an' 
0  determined  tJ 

in  ajuBt  anJ 
ir  riglils  and  f^ 
hat  territory  ' 
he  elements 
the  barren  ' 
to  make  us 
nport  with 
t  is  their  pro[l 
lern  and  frienda 
t.    Acting  upd 

meet  the  issul 
ictitude  of  the! 
[ti  reliance  upcl 


